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A COMPREHENSIVE
STUDY ON THE FORMATION OF COMPOUND VERBS IN TAMIL
|
Sl.No |
Verbalizers with core meaning |
Examples of Compound verbs in which the verbalizers form a part |
|
1 |
aTi 'beat' |
kaN 'eye' + aTi > kaNNaTi 'wink' |
|
2 |
aTai 'get' |
muTivu 'end' + aTai > muTivaTai 'come to an end' |
|
3 |
aLi 'give' |
paricu 'prize' + aLi > paricaLi 'award' |
|
4 |
aaku 'become' |
veLi 'outside + aaku > veLiyaaku 'come out' |
|
5 |
aakku 'produce' |
cooRu 'cooked rice' + aakku > cooRaakku 'cook rice’ |
|
6 |
aaTu 'move' |
kuuttu 'drama' + aaTu > kuuttaaTu 'act' |
|
7 |
aaTTu 'swing' |
ciir 'orderliness' + aTTu > ciiraaTTu 'tend lovingly' |
|
8 |
aaRRu 'perform' |
paNi 'work' + aaRRu > paNiyaaRRu 'work' |
|
9 |
iTu 'put' |
paarvai 'look' + iTu > parvaiyiTu 'inspect' |
|
10 |
uRu 'obtain' |
keLvi 'hearsay' + uRu > keeLviyuRu 'get to know' |
|
11 |
uRuttu 'trouble' |
tunpam 'suffering' + uRuttu > tunpuRuttu 'cause suffering' |
|
12 |
uuTTu 'give' |
ndinaivu 'rememberance' + uuTTu > ndinaivuuTTu 'remind' |
|
13 |
eTu 'take' |
ooyvu 'rest' + eTu > ooyveTu 'take rest' |
|
14 |
eytu 'obtain' |
maraNam 'death' + eytu > maraNameytu 'die' |
|
15 |
eel 'accept' |
patavi 'position' + eel > pataviyeel 'take office' |
|
16 |
eeRu 'rise' |
cuuTu 'heat' + eeRu > cuuTeeRu 'become hot' |
|
17 |
erru 'raise' |
veLi 'outside' + eeRRu > veLiyeeRRu 'expel' |
|
18 |
kaTTu 'tie' |
iiTu 'compensation' + kaTTu > iiTukaTTu 'make up' |
|
19 |
kaaTTu 'show' |
aacai 'desire' + kaaTTu 'show' > aacaikaaTtu 'lure; tempt' |
|
20 |
kuuRu 'say' |
puRam 'back' + kuuRu > purangkuuRu 'backbite’ |
|
21 |
koTu 'give' |
peeccu 'conversation' + koTu > peeccukkoTu 'initiate a talk' |
|
22 |
koL 'get' |
toTarpu 'contact' + koL > totarpu koL 'contact' |
|
23 |
cey 'do' |
vicaaraNai 'investigation' + cey > vicaaraNai cey 'investigate' |
|
24 |
col 'say' |
kooL 'lie' + col > kooL col 'tell tale' |
|
25 |
taTTu 'pat' |
maTTam 'substandard' +taTTu>maTTam taTTu 'degrade' |
|
26 |
paTu 'experience' |
veTkam 'shyness' + paTu > veTkappaTu 'feel shy' |
|
27 |
paTuttu 'cause to experience' |
tunpam 'suffering' + paTuttu >tunpappaTuttu 'cause to suffer' |
|
28 |
paNNu 'do' |
yoocanai 'thinking' + paNNu > yoocanai paNNu 'think' |
|
29 |
paar 'see' |
veevu 'spying' + paar > veevupaar 'spy' |
|
30 |
piTi 'catch' |
aTam 'obstinacy' + piTi > aTampiTi 'become obstinate' |
|
31 |
puri 'do' |
maNam 'marriage' + puri > maNampuri 'marry' |
|
32 |
peRu 'get' |
ooyvu 'rest' + peRu > ooyvu peRu 'retire (from service)' |
|
33 |
poo 'go' |
cooram 'adultery' + poo > coorampoo 'commit adultary' |
|
34 |
pooTu 'drop' |
cattam 'sound' + pooTu > cattam pooTu 'shout' |
|
35 |
muuTTu 'make' |
koopam 'anger' + muuTTu > koopamuuTTu 'cause anger' |
|
36 |
vaa 'come' |
valam 'right' + vaa > valamvaa 'go round' |
|
37 |
vaangku 'get' |
veelai + vangku > veelaivaangku 'extract work' |
|
38 |
viTu 'leave' |
muuccu 'breath' + viTu > muuccuviTu 'breathe' |
|
39 |
vai 'keep’ |
aTaku 'pledge' + vai > aTakuvai 'pledge' |
It has to be noted here that all the verbalizing verbs are native Tamil words. Not all the verbs listed above are actually used as verbalizers. The number of compound verbs formed from each verbalizer also varies.
4.4. Dependency Of Verbalizers On Bases
It is generally the case that the compound verbs acquire syntactic and semantic features based on the characteristic features of the bases. For example, the compound verbs accaTi (<accu 'printing' + aTi 'beat') 'print', koLLaiyaTi (<koLLai 'plundering' + aTi 'beat') 'plunder' and viiNaTi (<viiN 'waste' + aTi 'beat')’waste' are transitive verbs capable of receiving an object retaining the characteristic feature of aTi 'beat' as a main verb. But the compound verbs such as ndiiccal aTi 'swim', perumaiyaTi 'boast' and araTTaiyaTi 'chat' are intransitive verbs differing from the characteristic feature of ati as the main verb and thus reflecting the influence of the features of the bases. Conversely, kaLavaaTu (<kaLavu 'theft' + aaTu) 'steal', veeTTaiyaaTu (<veeTTai 'hunting' + aaTu) 'hunt' and curaiyaaTu (<cuuRai 'plundering' + aaTu) 'plunder' are transitive verbs differing from the characteristic feature of the verbalizing verb aaTu 'move to and fro' which is basically an intransitive verb. But the compound verbs uraiyaaTu (<urai 'speech' + aaTu) 'talk' and vaataaTu (<vaatam 'argument' + aaTu) 'argue' are intransitive verbs retaining the characteristic feature of atu as a main verb. yookamaTi (<yookam 'luck' + aTi) is capable of receiving a dative subject and thus differing from the verb aTi which receives a nominative subject.
raaman ndaayai aTittaan 'Rama beat the dog'
raamanukku yookam aTittatu 'Rama got luck'
The compound verb cuuTeeRu ‘become hot’ is a one place verb, where as its constituent verb eru ‘climb’ is a two place verb.
kurangku marattil eeRiyatu 'the monkey climbed the tree'
ndiir cuuTeeRiyatu 'the water got heated'
The possibility of verbalizers getting combined with the same base noun leads to the formation of synonymous compound verbs.
N + iTu synonymous with N + poTu
caNTaiyitu 'quarrel' - caNtaipooTu 'quarrel'
N + uRu synonymous with N + aTai
tunpamuRu 'suffer' - tunpappaTu 'suffer'
N + akku synonymous with N + patuttu
kuNamaakku 'cure' - kuNappaTuttu 'cure'
N + cey synonymous with N + koTu
taanamcey 'give free' - tanamkoTu 'give free'
The same base can give different meanings with different verbalizers.
veLi 'outside' + iTu > veLiyiTu 'publish'
veLi 'outside + paTu > veLippaTu 'come to be known or seen'
veLi 'outside' + eRu > veLiyeeRu 'come out quit'
veLi 'outside + eeRRu > veLiyeeRRu 'expel'
Same base can combine with different verbalizers by bringing out their polysemous nature.
iiTu + eeRRu > iTeeRRu 'fulfil'
iiTu + kaTTu > iiTukaTTu 'make good'
iiTu + koTu > iiTu koTu 'make up to'
iiTu + paTu > iiTu paTu 'engage; involve'
iiTu + vai > iiTu vai 'pledge'
4.5. Dynamics of Compound Verb Formation
The dynamism involved in the formation of compound verbs can be listed as follows
1. For fulfilling the need
2. To bring out different shades of meaning
3. Due to the development of analytical nature
4. For showing stylistic variation
4.5.1 Fulfilling The Need
It is natural that language speakers form new words to express their new ideas and experience. As the speakers are exposed to new ideas and experience due to their contact with foreign language, they resort to form new verbs by making use of bases from the foreign language and Tamil verbs as verbalizers.
amal 'implementation'+ paTuttu > amalpaTuttu 'implement'
ooTTu 'vote' + pooTu > ooTTuppooTu 'cast vote'
cipaaricu 'recommendation' + cey > cipaaricu cey 'recommend'
vivaakarattu 'divorce' + cey > vivaakarattu cey 'divorce'amul is a base borrowed from Hindi, vottu is from English, ciparicu is from Urdu and vivakarattu is from Sanskrit. Even Tamil nouns and particles have been used as bases to fulfil their need.
accu 'print' + aTi > accaTi 'print'
tiTTam 'plan' + pooTu > tiTTam pooTu 'plan'
vaakku 'word' + aLi > vakkaLi 'promise'
veli 'outside' + itu > veliyitu 'publish'
maRiyal 'strike' + cey > maRiyal cey 'perform strike'
4.5.2 Different Shades Of Meaning
Compound verbs have been formed to bring out different shades of meaning. The following differences in shades of meaning can be listed by taking cues form Karthikeyan (1983).
1) State vs. change of state
2) Inceptive vs. terminative
3) Direct vs. indirect
4) Low status vs. high status
5) General vs. specific
6) Specified subject vs. unspecified subject
7) Subject oriented vs. indirect object oriented
8) Explicit vs. implicit
4.5.2.1 State Vs. Change Of Stat
While simple verb denotes the state of a feeling, the compound verb which is related to it will denote change of state of feeling.
avaL varundtinaaL 'she felt sorry.'
avaL varuttam aTaindtaaL 'she felt sorry'
4.5.2.2 Terminative Vs. Inceptive
While simple verb denotes a terminative meaning, the related compound verb denotes inceptive meaning.
paya 'be afraid' vs. payam + eTu > payameTu 'start feeling afraid'
avaL payandtaL 'she was afraid'
avaLukku payameTuttatu 'she started feeling afraid'
paci 'feel hungry' vs. paciyeTu 'start feeling hungry'
avaLukkup pacittatu 'she felt hungry'
avalukku paciyetuttatu 'she started feeling hungry'
4.5.2.3 Direct Vs. Indirect
While the simple verb denotes direct action, the compound verb related to it denotes indirect action.
avaL avanai azaittaaL 'she invited him'
avaL avanukku azaippu viTuttaaL 'she invited him through somebody'
avaL avanai atazittaaL 'she supported him
avaL avanukku aataravu koTuttaL 'she gave him support'
4.5.2.4 Low Status Vs. High Status
While simple verb denotes the low status of subject or object, the compound verb which is related to it denotes the high status of subject or object.
avarkaL avanaip putaittarkaL 'they burried him'
avarkaL avanai aTakkam ceytaarkaL 'they burried him'
4.5.2.5 General Vs. Specific
While simple verb denotes a general meaning, the related compound verb denotes specific meaning.
avaL avanai vicaarittaaL 'She enquired him'
avaL avanai vicaaraNai ceytaaL 'she interrogated him'
4.5.2.6 Concrete Sense Vs. Abstract Sens
While simple verb denotes concrete sense, the compound verb denotes abstract sense.
avaL avan kaiyait taTuttaaL 'she obstructed his hand'
avar cinimavait taTai ceytaar 'he banned the cinema'
avaL andta puuvai moondtaaL 'she smelled the flower
ndaay mooppam piTittatu 'the dog sniffed'
4.5.2.7. Specified Agent Vs. Unspecified Agent
While the simple verb specifies agent, the compound makes the agent unspecified.
avan vilaiyai ndirNayittaan 'he fixed the price'
vilai ndirNayamaayiRRu 'the price is fixed'
avan puttakam piracurittaan 'he published the book'
puttakam piracuramaayiRRu 'the book is published'
4.5.2.8 Subject Oriented Vs. Indirect Object Oriented
While one type specifies subject orientation of the action, the other type specifies indirect object oriented action.
avan aaRutal aTaindtaan 'he got satisfied'
avan avaLukku aaRutalaLittaan 'he consoled her'
4.5.2.9 Explicit Vs. Implicit
While one type of compound verbs denote expressed or explicit feeling, the other type of compound verbs denote implicit feeling.
avan avaLiTam varuttappaTTaan 'he expressed his unhappiness to her.'
avan varuttamaTaindtaan 'he became unhappy'
4.5.3 Development Of Analytic Nature
A language can become analytic or synthetic in course of time. Modern Tamil appears to be more of analytic in nature than old Tamil. It appears that one or two compound verbs are formed parallel to a simple verb.
Simple form Analytic form
utavu 'help' utavicey 'help'
camai 'cook' camaiyal cey 'cook'
muyal 'try' muyaRcicey 'try'
mayangku 'become unconcious' mayakkamaTai 'become unconcious'
koopi 'show anger' koopappaTu 'show anger'
4.5.4 Bringing Out Stylistic Differences
The preference of simple for compound or vice versa can bring in stylistic difference.
Literary style Spoken style
aaL 'rule' aaTci cey 'rule'
irangku 'show pity' irakkappaTu 'show pity'
muyal 'try' muyaRci cey 'try'
4.6. The Productivity And Lexicalization Of Compound Verb Formation
One of the goals of morphological theorizing is to account for the ways in which speakers both understand and form not only the existing words that occur in their language, but also potential words which are not instantiated in use in utterance. The following points of Katamba (1993) on productivity is worth mentioning here:
(i) Productivity is a matter of degree. It is not a dichotomy, with some word-formation processes being productive and others being unproductive. Probably no processes is so general that it affects, without exception, all the bases to which it could potentially apply. The reality is that some processes are relatively more general than others.
(ii) Productivity is subject to the dimension of time. A process which is very general during one historical period may become less so at a subsequent period. Conversely, a new process entering a language may initially affect a tiny fraction of eligible inputs before eventually applying more widely.”
Formation of compound verbs by the combination of a noun with a verbalizer is a productive process in Tamil. Tamil resort to increase its verb stock only by the process of compounding. The compound verbs which are lexicalized as they attain idiosyncrasy in their formation and/or meaning got listed in a dictionary. Many of the compound verbs listed in Karthikeyan (1983) and Rajendran (1979) are found listed in KTTA as they are lexicalized at the syntactic and semantic level. One can argue that if the resultant forms are listed in a dictionary, it is redundant to deal about them by word-formation rules. The word-formation rules in the formation of compound noun is productive and still operative, but the output needs to be listed in a dictionary as the compound forms are lexicalized at syntactic and semantic levels. At the same time many compound verbs do not get listed in KTTA. As we have seen already, the bases which can participate in the formation of compound nouns are from native and non-native source and verbalizers are from native source. The verbalizers are almost finite in number. When we compare the list of compounds found in Karthikeyan (1983) with those found in KTTA, we notice that lexicalized as well non-lexicalized compounds are found in Karthikeyan whrereas KTTA lists only lexicalized compounds. The following table will give a comparative account of the number of compound verbs formed by each verbalizer.
|
Sl.No. |
Verbalizer |
Number of compounds found in Karthikeyan |
Number of compounds found in KTTA |
|
1 |
aTi |
27 |
37 |
|
2 |
aTai |
80 |
5 |
|
3 |
aLi |
26 |
7 |
|
4 |
aaku |
45 |
36 |
|
5 |
aakku |
21 |
24 |
|
6 |
aaTu |
16 |
33 |
|
7 |
aaTTu |
- |
6 |
|
8 |
aaRRu |
7 |
3 |
|
9 |
iTu |
42 |
50 |
|
10 |
uRu |
43 |
6 |
|
11 |
uRuttu |
6 |
5 |
|
12 |
uuTTu |
24 |
5 |
|
13 |
eTu |
17 |
18 |
|
14 |
eytu |
- |
4 |
|
15 |
eel |
6 |
3 |
|
16 |
eeRu |
8 |
10 |
|
17 |
eeRRu |
8 |
13 |
|
18 |
kaTTu |
- |
23 |
|
19 |
kaaTTu |
- |
20 |
|
20 |
kuuRu |
7 |
1 |
|
21 |
koTu |
24 |
19 |
|
22 |
koL |
15 |
18 |
|
23 |
cey |
197 |
36 |
|
24 |
col |
6 |
- |
|
25 |
taTTu |
- |
13 |
|
26 |
paTu |
65 |
58 |
|
27 |
paTuttu |
81 |
56 |
|
28 |
paNNu |
90 |
12 |
|
29 |
paar |
10 |
14 |
|
30 |
piTi |
14 |
16 |
|
31 |
puri |
18 |
1 |
|
32 |
peRu |
12 |
9 |
|
33 |
poo |
6 |
10 |
|
34 |
pooTu |
24 |
47 |
|
35 |
muTTu |
- |
2 |
|
36 |
vaa |
- |
16 |
|
37 |
vaangku |
- |
10 |
|
38 |
viTu |
8 |
18 |
|
39 |
vai |
7 |
19 |
If we interpret the productivity of the verbalizer in the formation of compound verbs on the basis of number of compounds formed, cey appears to be more productive; paNNu comes next followed by paTuttu, aTai, paTu, aaku, uRu, iTu, aTi, aLi, koTu, muuTTu, pooTu, aakku and so on as per the number of compounds formed. Aronoff (1976) argues that one cannot calculate the productivity on the basis of number of items formed. Productivity, according to him, is not easy to be calculated and a number of factors are to be taken into account while calculating the productivity. Productivity has to be calculated based on the proportion of possible forms and forms formed. Almost all the items listed in Karthikeyan are listed in KTTA with the exception of certain verbalizers. That means KTTA has listed almost all the compounds listed in Karthikeyan as they are lexicalized, especially at the semantic level. Even then new compounds are always formed to fill the gap or to fulfil the need. It appears that analogy plays a part in the formation of new compounds.
5. Examination Of The Compound Verb Formation Based On Each Verbalizer
The strategies followed in the formation of compound nouns can be understood properly only if we examine the compounds formed under each verbalizers listed above. The following details have to be taken into account for each verbalize.
1. The main and the auxiliary meanings of the verbalizers.
2. The list of compounds formed from each verbalizer.
3. The list of bases which are compounded with each verbalizer.
4. The semantic domain or area to which the set of bases which are associated with a particular verbalizer belong.
5. The number of nonce formations for each verbalizer
6. The predictability of the bases to which the verbalizers can be affixed and the derived meaning.
Let us examine a few verbalizers from the above points of view.
5.1. Verbalization by aTi
The main meaning of the verbalizer aTi is 'beat' and the verb belongs to the semantic domain Verbs of Impact. The polysemous nature of aTi will be exposed when it is collocated with different nouns. Rajendran (1979) classifies the different meanings of aTi based on its collocation with different nouns:
|
Sr. No. |
Different meanings of aTi |
Collocation with different nouns |
|
1 |
drive in |
aaNi 'nail' + aTi 'drive in nail' |
|
2 |